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Lender of Last Resort I never thought I would live to see a serving European Commissioner suggest that it was "reckless" to launch the euro without a lender-of-last resort or fiscal union to back it up.
Social dimension of the Economic and Monetary Union: EU:s bankunion har ingen backstop.
The Federal Reserve final rule requiring higher capital levels from non-US banks,
RE: Det förefaller som om det var Fed och inte ECB som ställde upp som Lender of Last Resort för de europeiska bankerna
Can the European Central Bank legally act as lender of last resort to ensure the survival of the euro?
The real reason for lenders of last resort The massive rescues that we have witnessed since 2008 in the US, UK, EZ, and Switzerland have now removed the fig leaf. They need a deal with the relevant government to make sure that the costs will be borne ultimately by the government, not by the central bank, but they cannot and should not refuse to act when an emergency arises. This logic was ignored when the single currency was under preparation. The ‘oversight’ however was deliberate, resulting from pressure by both banks and national supervisors each acting for their own shameful reasons. EZ banking union Martin Wolf och Rolf Englund om att Måste Spanien upprepa Irlands misstag? As Ben Bernanke, chairman of the Federal Reserve, explained in an important speech on April 13, The biggest danger is Greece ECB remains adamant that it cannot intervene as the lender of last resort to euro-zone sovereigns. Skuldkrisen är i första hand en ekonomisk kris. Därför bör inte EU springa iväg med stora, komplicerade ändringar av regler, institutioner eller av EU-fördraget. The notion that “fiscal union” of some kind is workable, and that Germany wants it, has gained ground The ECB lowered its benchmark interest rate from 1.25% to 1% to try to mitigate the coming recession. The central bank will now accept higher-risk asset-backed bonds as well as loans as security for cash, and it has lowered its reserve requirements for banks to ease their funding pressures. Such measures will help to address a shortage of liquidity in the euro-zone banking system. But they are unlikely to avert a nasty credit crunch, because banks are inclined to shed assets, rather than make new loans, as they strive to comply with new capital rules by next June. Slutet för den nuvarande valutaunionen. Inte det mest sannolika, men ändå inget orealistiskt perspektiv. Spåren från hyperinflationen i 1920-talets Tyskland förskräcker. När pengar totalt förlorar sitt värde blir följden att tilliten i ett samhälle försvinner. Detta undergrävde demokratin och beredde väg för nazismen. Euroobligationer – som nu föreslås av EU-kommissionen – skulle hjälpa skuldtyngda länder att låna, med hjälp av Tysklands kreditvärdighet. Men detta kan ligga i framtiden och är inte till hjälp om läget för Italien eller Spanien snart skulle förvärras. I en verklig nödsituation finns ingen annan utväg än att ECB köper statspapper i stor skala, direkt från ländernas regeringar. Syftet är i så fall att undvika en krasch som drar med sig hela eurosystemet och betyder slutet för den nuvarande valutaunionen. Det är för dagen inte det mest sannolika, men ändå inget orealistiskt perspektiv. The financial crisis has exposed the weaknesses in any currency union among otherwise sovereign countries, The eurozone sovereigns lack a true lender of last resort. Their debt bears a risk of outright default rather than mere monetisation. Fearing default, investors create illiquidity, which turns into insolvency. The greater the proportion of foreign creditors, the more plausible default becomes: investors know that politicians are more unwilling to default to their own citizens than foreigners. But, as a result of the currency union, foreigners hold a higher proportion of sovereign debt than before: half of Italian public debt is held abroad. The third explanation is that there is break-up risk. No currency union is irrevocable. Even countries do not survive forever. But a currency union among discordant states is far more fragile than a country. Konstruktionen kring euron har inte varit fel After almost two years in which the focal point of the euro-zone debt crisis has shifted from one European capital to another, The crisis has only ever been partly about the sustainability of the sovereign debts of Greece, Ireland, Portugal, Italy and Spain. More crucially, it has always been a political crisis, an institutional crisis, a crisis of governance. It has been about the failure of the euro zone to develop the necessary mechanisms to ensure financial discipline among its member states and to come to the aid of countries when they ran into financial trouble, thereby ensuring that a debt problem in one of its smallest members should become an existential threat to the currency itself. There can be no solution to the euro-zone crisis that doesn't first address this governance crisis. Two myths have until now sustained the hopes of those betting the euro zone could exit the crisis. The first was the belief that rising government bond yields simply reflected the loss of credibility by some governments — for which the solution was an even-greater commitment to austerity and structural reform and, if necessary, its replacement by technocrats. The second myth was the view that if the survival of the euro zone were threatened, the European Central Bank would ride to the rescue of cash-strapped governments, deploying its all-powerful "bazooka" to prevent a collapse into chaos. More by Simon Nixon at Wall Street Journal Konstruktionen kring euron har inte varit fel Krisen hösten 2011 handlar inte om inflation utan om att upprätthålla finansiell, social och politisk stabilitet i Europa. Historien visar att det bara finns en institution – centralbanken – som har verktygen för att avvärja den panik som så lätt blir självuppfyllande. Frågan i dag är hur länge politikerna i Berlin ska låta eurokrisen fördjupas innan de ger centralbanken de befogenheter som behövs i ett nödläge. On Friday, Mario Draghi said “no”. There is no political solution in sight. Angela Merkel, the German chancellor, rejects a eurozone bond. The European financial stability facility is too small to handle countries the size of Italy or Spain, let alone both. Full textIf Germany genuinely wishes to save Spain and Italy, it must allow EMU-wide reflation and If this role is illegal under EU treaty law – and that is arguable – then EU treaties must be changed immediately. If Germany cannot accept this for understandable reasons of sovereignty or ideology, it should accept the implications and prepare an orderly break-up of monetary union. The euro is a macro-economic weapon of mass destruction - it simply must be defused. The gathering storm in Italy has a growing number of policy makers calling on the ECB Safety nets encourage loose behaviour. That, after all, is why central banking developed the tradition of last resort lending, starting with the Bank of England’s intervention in the financial crisis of 1825-26. Instead we have the European financial stability facility, a curious off-balance sheet lender of last resort. Despite recent frenetic summitry, the politicians have failed to convince markets that this rescue fund will ever be adequately resourced. A German veto and EU treaty constraints stop ECB intervening with overwhelming force as a genuine lender of last resort. As Berkeley professor Brad DeLong argues in a new paper, such “utter disregard for financial stability – much less for the welfare of the workers and businesses that make up the economy – is a radical departure from the central-banking tradition.” German lawmakers had days earlier stipulated that the ECB must withdraw from its existing purchases of bonds as a condition for Bundestag approval of the revamped bail-out fund EFSF. Yet Europe’s fiscal rescue machinery remains a fiction, a fund designed for Greece, Ireland, and Portugal that is now being stretched by every disreputable artifice of structured credit to shore up the whole EMU edifice on the cheap. Krugman och Münchau är eniga om att ECB bör får obegränsade möjligheter att agera ”lender of last resort” för medlemsstaterna. ECB har kunnat förhindra en katastrof genom att just göra sådana stödköp de senaste månaderna. Krugman hämtar mycket stöd frånen analys av den belgiske professorn Paul de Grauwe. Euro Crisis Makes Fed Lender of Only Resort U.S. prime money-market funds cut their exposure to euro-zone bank deposits and commercial paper, or short-term IOUs, to $214 billion in August from $391 billion at the end of last year, according to JPMorgan Chase & Co. data. A lecture by Paul de Grauwe in Spain, on the Euro crisis as a morality play,
De Grauwe's central argument is that the Euro crisis cannot be solved as long as it is narrated in the surplus countries as a 'morality play' as this leads to the misdiagnosis that the crisis stems from 'irresponsible' behaviour by the deficit countries, and thus to the misguided prescription that 'punishment' is necessary so that the deficit countries learn to not 'sin' again. The reported content is very close to this Editorial by de Grauwe on Intereconomics, the journal of the Centre for European Policy Studies. As Paul De Grauwe, professor of economics at the University of Leuven, has put it in a defining paper on the difficulties of the eurozone, The problem is that Germany is determined not to go further. Indeed, it has now been told by its constitutional court that it mustn’t, never mind the concerns of ordinary Germans about being made liable for other people’s debts. We have learned from the history of banking that a necessary condition to stabilize the banking system As a result, they cannot guarantee to the bondholders that they will always have the necessary liquidity to pay out the bond at maturity. This contrasts with "stand alone" countries that issue sovereign bonds in their own currencies. This feature allows these countries to guarantee that the cash will always be available to pay out the bondholders. The absence of a guarantee that cash will always be available makes the sovereign bond markets in a monetary union prone to forces of contagion, very much like banking systems that lack a lender of last resort are prone to contagion. In such banking systems, banks cannot guarantee that cash will always be at hand to pay out deposit holders. As a result, solvency problems in one bank quickly lead deposit holders of other banks to withdraw their deposits, setting in motion a generalized crisis. The same risk exists in a monetary union when solvency problems in one country (Greece) lead bondholders to fear the worst in other bond markets and to sell the bonds there. We have learned from the history of banking that a necessary condition to stabilize the banking system consists in providing for a lender of last resort. This gives a guarantee to deposit holders that the cash will always be available, and pacifies them most of the time. Riksbankens roll som lender of last resort “This crisis has the potential to be a lot worse than Lehman Brothers,” said George Soros, One can sympathise with Berlin. But sharing debts with Italy and Spain was implicit when they agreed to launch the euro. Den franska storbanken BNP Paribas har en exponering mot grekiska The crucial problem on this side of the Atlantic is that the largest European banks have become not only too big to fail, but also too big to be saved. European banks harder hit by credit crunch Riksbanken om Krisberedskap och Lender of Last Resort-funktionen Bank of England about Lender of Last Resort Fed NY about Last Resort Remarks by Chairman Alan Greenspan Axel Weber, president of Germany’s Bundesbank, may rue his choice of words eight days ago. Med nödkrediter på nästan 900 miljarder kronor, Den svenska riksbanken har nämligen blivit en något stympad ”lender of last resort”. Den kan kanske inte längre i tillräcklig kvantitet tillhandahålla de nationella betalningsmedlen? Det visas att man i Sverige helt felbedömde den Europeiska
centralbankens (ECB) roll inom Eurosystemet. J. Pierpont Morgan, stemmed the Panic of 1907, Acting, in effect, as lender of last resort from his Wall Street office, he was briefly feted before Americans realised the danger of having such power vested in one man. At least since 1823, when Byron's Don Juan described “Jew Rothschild, and his fellow Christian Baring” as the “true Lords of Europe”, investment bankers have inspired awe, envy and, rightly or wrongly, a measure of disdain. Exactly 100 years ago the undisputed patriarch of the modern industry, J. Pierpont Morgan, stemmed the Panic of 1907, a financial crisis caused by unregulated trusts (the hedge funds of their day). Acting, in effect, as lender of last resort from his Wall Street office, he was briefly feted before Americans realised the danger of having such power vested in one man. Cartoonists then mercilessly mocked him. After his death in 1913 the Federal Reserve was set up. The European Commission ran an exercise in which it pretended a commercial insolvency was threatening to bring down two banksIn April last year the European Commission ran an exercise in which it pretended a commercial insolvency was threatening to bring down two banks, one of them big. In May the European Central Bank rehearsed the collapse of a large European institution. The British financial authorities also had two drills in the past year, one of which examined the impact on a British clearing bank of the failure in London of a foreign banking subsidiary. Putting some doubt into bankers' minds—“constructive ambiguity”, as the regulators put it—is a guard against moral hazard. If commercial lenders assume the central bank will always bail them out when things go wrong, they may be tempted to lend recklessly. The biggest banks, to which regulators apply the ungainly term Large and Complex Financial Institutions (LCFIs), straddle so many markets, in so many countries, that a national authority cannot act alone. Nordic regulators are the keenest on financial war games, but so far even they have not included the banks themselves as active participants. “We are moving in that direction,” says Göran Lind, an adviser to the Sveriges Riksbank, the Swedish central bank. Cross-border banks require a single regulator With the arrival of the euro, responsibility for monetary policy was transferred from national central banks to the European Central Bank. But this did not apply to banking supervision, which remained under national control – either within the central banks themselves or with independent supervisory agencies. As long as there is no crisis, the system can obviously be made to work. But at some point, supervisors have to take tough decisions – such as whether a bank should be bailed out or closed. It may well be that one supervisor wants to bail out a bank and another does not; or that both back a bail-out but cannot agree on how to split the costs. Financial Integration in Europe, Strengthening the EU Framework for Cross-border Banks, p.33ff, ECB, March 2007, www.ecb.int Every nation state has a system of supervision and control of its financial sector, including a lender of last resort, to guarantee the soundness and stability of the financial system. The Lender of Last Resort in the European Single Financial Market A Symposium Sponsored By The Federal Reserve Bank of Kansas City |